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Letter to Ben in IraqDear Son, Ben, you asked me if the United States had declared war. I told you “Yes, but that’s not the whole story.” It would have taken too long to try to answer your question in detail on the telephone – so I put this together and here is the rest of the story. After reading it, feel free to circulate it among your brothers. This is going to be fun reading, and long I’m afraid, but at least you will be rewarded with some humor at the end. It should end any disagreements. Your mother’s eyes glassed over before she finished reading it, so hang in there. Try to get to the end because the conclusions are important. Ben, the answer to your question is: Congress has not formally declared War on Afghanistan or Iraq, but Congress did vote to give the President the broad authorization to use all necessary force to protect the United States of America from terrorism and enforce the United Nation's resolutions pertaining to Iraq. What is the difference and how does this work? In 1973, following the withdrawal of most American troops from the Vietnam War, a debate emerged about how much power the President should have in the future to deploy troops without a formal “declaration of war.” A compromise in the debate was reached in Congress in what was called the “War Powers Resolution.” This act defined how many soldiers could be deployed by the President of the United States in a limited engagement and for how long. It also required formal reports by the President to Congress regarding the status of such deployments, and limited the total amount of time that American forces could be deployed without a formal declaration of war. Although the constitutionality of the War Powers Act has never been tested in the courts, its provisions have been followed during the Grenada Conflict (Reagan 40), the Panamanian Conflict (Reagan 40), the Somalia Conflict (Clinton 42), the Gulf War (Bush 41), and the Iraq War (Bush 43). In each case, the sitting President asserted the constitutional authority to commit troops without the necessity of Congressional approval, but in each case the President received Congressional authorization that satisfied the provisions of the War Powers Act. The "Iraq Resolution" and "Iraq War Resolution" are popular names for the AUMF, The Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public law 107-243, 116 Stat. 1497-1502), which was a law passed by the United States Congress authorizing what soon became known as the Iraq War. The authorization was sought by President George W. Bush and introduced by House of Representatives leadership as House Joint Resolution 114. It passed the House of Representatives on October 10 by a vote of 296-133 and by the Senate on October 11 by a vote of 77-23. It was signed into law by President Bush on October 16, 2002. The resolution cited many factors to justify military action: The Resolution required diplomatic efforts at the UN Security Council to "obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions." It authorized the United States to use military force to "defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding Iraq." Before being permitted to use force, the President was to determine that further diplomatic efforts alone would not satisfactorily protect the United States or ensure Iraq's compliance with United Nation’s Security Council resolutions. Members of the Senate who voted against the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) against Iraq Resolution of 2002: DECLARATION OF WAR: A declaration of war is a FORMAL declaration issued by a national government indicating that a state of war exists between that nation, and one or more other nations. For the United States, Article One, Section Eight of the Constitution says “Congress shall have the power to ... declare War," however, neither that passage nor any other passage provides a specific format that legislative text must have in order to be considered a "Declaration of War.” Nowhere in the Constitution will you find the phrase, “Declaration of War.” Many have postulated that a "Declaration(s) of War" must at a minimum contain either in the text or in the title the phrase “Declaration of War.” As you would expect, many also oppose that reasoning. The postulate has not been tested in the courts. So, for our purposes the term "formal Declaration of War" is any Congressional legislation that specifically uses the phrase "Declaration of War" in the title or text. That did not occur either in Afghanistan or in Iraq. After World War II, Congress voluntarily chose to limit its own use of the power to declare war by authorizing force in the resolution of conflicts of national interest but intentionally choosing not to formally declare a war. The War Powers Resolution of 1973 (Public Law 93-148) limits the power of the President to wage even a limited war without the approval of the Congress. The United States has formally declared war against foreign nations eleven separate times, the last in 1942 in conjunction with World War II. Formal Declarations of War The list below gives the eleven separate times that the United States has formally declared war against foreign nations. The only country against which the United States has declared war more than once is Germany. The United States has declared war against Germany twice (though a case could be made for Hungary as a successor state to Austria-Hungary). Each time the declaration of war was requested by the President either in writing or in person appearing before a joint session of Congress. War of 1812 Mexican-American War Spanish-American War World War I World War I World War II World War II World War II World War II Many times, the United States has engaged in extended military engagements that, while not formally declared wars, were explicitly authorized by Congress. Quasi-War First Barbary War Second Barbary War Raid of Slave Traffic Redress for attack on U.S. Navy vessel Intervention during the Russian Civil War Protection of Lebanon Vietnam War Multinational Force in Lebanon Invasion of Panama, also known as Operation Just Cause Persian Gulf War, also known as Operation Desert Storm 2001 war in Afghanistan, also known as Operation Enduring Freedom Iraq War, also known as Operation Iraqi Freedom What about the Korean War? The Korean War was not a war authorized by the U.S. Congress. President Harry S. Truman cited authority under United Nations resolutions. Major U.S. Military involvement began with Task Force Smith on July 5th, 1950. A cease fire agreement was signed on July 27, 1953; however no formal treaty has been signed to this date. There are many other undeclared "wars" missing from this list. For example, the United States fought in Korea in 1870 and in Nicaragua in 1927. If anybody still cares, the United States’ longest war was fought between approximately 1840 and 1886 against the Apache Nation. During that entire 46-year period, there were never more than 90 days of "peace." Controversy regarding U.S. declarations of war There are people who philosophically oppose waging any war; and those who oppose a war without a declaration of war in strict compliance with the U.S. Constitution; and there are still others who take the view that a formal declaration of war is not necessary to defend or avenge American lives, property damage or interests. The latter group argues that since the Constitution expressly prohibits individual American states from engaging in war without the consent of Congress, unless they are actually invaded or in imminent danger, which if a similar prohibition had been intended for the President, then such words would have also been written to affect it. They also point to the military connotations of the phrases engaging in war (used in the aforesaid prohibition) and levying war (used in the definition of treason) as opposed to the diplomatic connotations of the phrase declare war. Further historical arguments point to the decisions to not issue a formal declaration of war preceding either the Civil War or the Revolutionary War, the latter decision being made by a Continental Congress comprising a number of those who went on to write the Constitution. Not only is the term “Declaration of War," not addressed in the U.S. Constitution, the Constitution does it define the form that any such declarations will take. Therefore, many have argued congressionally-passed authorizations to use military force are constructively “Declarations of War.” However, it is possible that had the administration asked Congress for a Declaration of War against the nation of Iraq, instead of the AUMF for Iraq’s ongoing refusal to comply with numerous United Nation’s Resolutions, Congress might have said “No” for any number of reasons. Secondly, the use of the AUMF may have been Congress’ solution to finding a way to circumvent a valid constitutional process in which they could not prevail (not enough votes) without some sort of compromise shell game for consumption by the public and the media. How else could the United States find itself in a protracted conflict such as Vietnam? Very likely it would not have been possible to convince the Congress and the nation to formally declare war either on North Korea or on North Vietnam. Can a reasonable person argue that neither war, Korea or Vietnam, would have happened if Congress had strictly construed the requirement for a formal declaration of war in the Constitution rather than finding a way to circumvent it? Regardless of your answer, yes or no, understand who really bears the responsibility for our nation’s protracted military conflicts, whether righteous in cause or ill-advised. Congress is responsible, not the President. There is also a diplomatic reason for not "declaring war" on a country. Diplomat’s claim that by declaring war, we are holding an entire nation’s populace responsible for the actions of only a few of its leaders, whether elected or not. In the case of recent public opposition to the War on Terror (in Afghanistan and Iraq), those who oppose the conflicts claim there was no 'target' for a legal declaration of war except various political groups, religious sects or individuals. Since an invading army does seek to occupy an entire country, such as Iraq, and if victorious actually does occupy Iraq and control an entire population, there could just as easily have been a formal declaration of war against Iraq. If there is a distinction, there isn’t much of a difference. Many Democratic Party advocates of an omnipotent government (socialists) are ideologically against “formal declarations of war.” They argue that such declarations of war refuse to acknowledge the legitimate sovereignty of another government, and that sovereignty should be more important than any actual or potential human rights abuses by the target government. (If so, consider the scenario of a heavily armed husband beating his wife. Other members of the family are mysteriously missing. Is it your wish that a police officer ignore the brutality in tacit respect for the family’s privacy and sovereignty? Democrats, by their theory of privacy and sovereignty, should argue yes, but have legislated domestic violence law the opposite way in every state. Islamofascists hold the view that the brutality toward a man’s family is the husband’s god-given right. Most Democrats would have the police officer take the husband to jail, but choose instead to leave Saddam Hussein to continue his documented list of human rights abuses, including gassing his own people, brutal torture and imprisonment, killing of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis and disposing of them in mass graves. In 2002, most Republicans and enough Democrats voted to enter the house of Iraq and arrest Saddam Hussein, take him to jail and try him in a court of law for his crimes against humanity. In the case of Iraq, even Iraqis contend that the deposed Hussein government was a regime with a history of incredible human rights abuses. Hence the expression, “regime changes.” Accordingly, the targets of most hostilities are the recognized leaders of the country with which war (or use of force) is declared. Rest assured, there were many other reasons the United States chose to invade Iraq, many of which you already know, but the case for the invasion was made on Saddam Hussein’s non-compliance with numerous United Nation’s resolutions and the threat he posed in the region and to the United States if he possessed Weapons of Mass Destruction. There is still another issue to explore, the liberal ideology of imposing our standards of human rights and nation building. Some people always seem to want to intervene in other people’s business, in this case to liberate people from a tyrannical or illegitimate regime, or a regime of religious oppression and genocide by Muslims on Muslims as in Iraq, and by Muslims on non-Muslims as in Darfur. Bosnia-Herzegovina and Somalia are other recent examples. You can see the mindset in your own community in Arizona where government representatives step in and “save” the children of a particular family from further alleged child abuse or neglect. Save the world, save the children, abort the pregnancy? Ostensibly, we are trying to save the Iraqi citizens from further alleged abuse by a pathological tyrant. Whether we should or should not is an individual’s intellectual, emotional and religious decision. If we don’t agree, in the United States we vote. The anti-war protesters who engage in civil disobedience and crude behavior toward veterans are those who refuse to respect either the democratic process or the outcome of the vote. Current status of the U.S. debate Heated debate developed in the United States shortly after September 11, 2001. Opponents of the ‘use of military force’ argued that the Iraq War was patently unconstitutional, because the military action lacked a clear declaration of war. Secondly, opponents claimed the war was being waged over the objection of a significant number of citizens of all demographics in the United States. These same people blindly refuse to acknowledge that it was they who elected their representatives and those representatives chose (voted democratically in Congress) to go to war in Iraq. Instead of formal war declarations, Congress’ most controversial use of authorizations of force included the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution that is generally credited with American participation in the Vietnam War, and the resolution that preceded the War in Iraq. Those who question the legality of these authorizations of force say that requiring a precise and formal declaration of war would keep administrations honest by forcing them to lay out their case to the American people while, at the same time, forcing Congress to honor instead of avoiding its constitutional role. Those who oppose requiring formal declarations of war argue that an "Authorization of the Use of Military Force" not only satisfies constitutional requirements but has an established historical precedent. Furthermore, the constitutional powers of the president as commander-in-chief does vest in him broad powers specific to "waging" and "commencing" war. On February 6, 2006 U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales said in his testimony to the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee Hearing on Wartime Executive Power and the National Security Agency's surveillance authority: “There was not a war declaration, either in connection with Al Qaeda or in Iraq. It was an authorization to use military force. I only want to clarify that, because there are implications. Obviously, when you talk about a war declaration, you're possibly talking about affecting treaties, diplomatic relations. And so there is a distinction in law and in practice. And we're not talking about a war declaration. This is an authorization only to use military force.” The courts have wisely and consistently refused to intervene in this matter, and in practice presidents have the power to commit forces with congressional approval but without a declaration of war. Any disagreements are left to the electorate to resolve in a ballot box. Bottom line: Hope this helps in your discussions …. P.S. Think about the phrase “War on Terror.” Recognize that ‘terror’ is a tactic within a conflict, not a finite enemy. It is pretty hard for Congress to formally declare war on a tactic. Islamic militants are distributed throughout the world (20% of the world population) and the source of the conflict with Islam comes from many nations, sometimes independent of their governments, but not always. So why didn’t Congress declare war on Islam, the only source of the terrorism worldwide for the last 60 years? It is probably safe to say that there will never be a formal declaration of war against Islam in our politically correct society (which history may look back on as a fatal self-emasculation). History Test – Multiple Choices 1. In 1972 at the Munich Olympics, athletes were kidnapped and massacred by: a. Olga Corbitt 2. In 1979, the U.S. embassy in Iran was taken over by: a. Lost Norwegians 3. During the 1980's a number of Americans were kidnapped in Lebanon by: a. John Dillinger 4. In 1983, the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut was blown up by: a. A pizza delivery boy 5. In 1985 the cruise ship Achille Lauro was hijacked and a 70 year old American Passenger was murdered and thrown overboard in his wheelchair by: a. The Smurfs 6. In 1985 TWA flight 847 was hijacked at Athens, and a U.S. Navy diver trying to rescue passengers was murdered by: a. Captain Kidd 7. In 1988, Pan Am Flight 103 was bombed by: a. Scooby Doo 8. In 1993 the World Trade Center was bombed the first time by: a. Richard Simmons 9. In 1998, the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania were bombed by: a. Mr. Rogers 10. On 9/11/01, four airliners were hijacked; two were used as missiles to take out the World Trade Centers and of the remaining two, one crashed into the US Pentagon and the other was diverted and crashed by the passengers. Thousands of people were killed by: a. Bugs Bunny, Wiley E. Coyote, Daffy Duck and Elmer Fudd 11. In 2002 the United States fought a war in Afghanistan against: a. Enron 12. In 2002 reporter Daniel Pearl was kidnapped and murdered by: a. Bonnie and Clyde Nope, I really don't see a pattern here to justify profiling, do you? So, to insure we Americans never offend anyone, particularly Muslims intent on killing us, airport security screeners will no longer be allowed to profile certain people. They must conduct random searches of 80-year-old women, little kids, and Caucasian airline pilots with proper identification, not to mention secret agents who are members of the President's security detail, 85-year old Congressmen with metal hips, and Medal of Honor winning former Governors – but for all that is precious in America, to avoid having to listen to the liberals wail in the night, leave Muslim Males between the ages 17 & 40 alone because of ‘profiling’ and accusations of racism. As the writer of the story "Forrest Gump" so aptly put it, "Stupid is as stupid does." Posted November 15, 2006 12:35 AM
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